Articles

The contemporary world celebrates the 75th anniversary of the victory over fascism and the defeat of Nazi Germany as a result of World War II. The anniversary of the victory is rendered important by the need to resist active attempts to distort history, to negate the decisive role of the Soviet people and their army in defeating fascism. The Great Patriotic War has no equal in history in terms of the grandeur and intensity of the armed struggle and the eff orts expended on the home front. The decisive role of the Soviet Union in the defeat of fascist Germany was noted by many contemporaries, not only allies (such as Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt, for example) but also opponents. The allies of the anti-Hitler coalition launched widespread off ensives only in the last stage of the war, when the victory was a foregone conclusion and paid for at a high price. The USSR lost 26.6 million citizens, including 8.7 million military personnel and 17.9 million ivilians. Thus it was that the Soviet people saved themselves and European civilization from destruction.

In a democratic political process, non-violent protest is an important channel of communication between civil society and the state. The growth of protest activity shows that part of the population is dissatisfi ed with the current political and economic situation, as well as with its place in the stratifi cation of society. Since 2017 there has been an increase in youth protest activity. Some protests of recent years have been accompanied by confl icts between protesters and the police, with subsequent detention of the former. This article presents the results of a sociological survey of some 600 young people, 14 to 30 years of age, conducted in Moscow schools, colleges and universities over 2018–2019. It analyzes the attitude of young people to the situation in the country, to various forms of political activity and, in particular, to protest activity and the infl uence of political ideologies and the Internet on the latter.

This article presents an analysis of the personnel reserve management structure of the state bodies of the Russian Federation. On the basis of current legislation, the author describes two independent categories of personnel reserve, diff ering in goals and objectives, within the Federation system of public administration. The fi rst category includes the personnel reserve in public service, designed to ensure the activities of state bodies at the federal and regional levels. The general management of the system of selection and training of new employees is carried out by the government. A second category includes the reserve of managerial personnel created to replace senior managers in state bodies at the federal and regional levels. A separate type of reserve of managerial personnel is the presidential personnel reserve, designed for the rapid replacement of key positions by decision of the head of state. According to the author, the defi nition of the structure of the personnel reserve will help to eliminate contradictions in the understanding of the specifi cs of the formation of the personnel reserve at diff erent levels of government and to identify the features of the selection and preparation of new candidates for positions in each category.

This article is devoted to the study of the food regime, a concept little known in Russian academic literature. The author identifi es the “theoretical and methodological platform” of the concept using a comparative approach and retrospective analysis. The ensemble of a comparative-historical approach, a method of analyzing secondary data and a forecasting method contributed to the consolidation of the concept of the food regime as a tool capable of streamlining the global stages of production, consumption and distribution of food in historical retrospect as well as in the foreseeable future. The author demonstrates that the consistent transformation of food regimes comes about due to the confl ict between two principles, “protectionism” and “ free trade,” which are eff ectively adapted to diff erent political and economic realities. The identifi ed “sequence” is consistent with the general position of the theory of Karl Polanyi (the Double Movement) and allows us to assert that the foundation of the Fourth Food Regime will be based on a modifi ed version of protectionism. This is confi rmed by the growing popularity of the transnational movement La Via Campesina and the growing demand for its revolutionary strategy of Food Sovereignty.

Modern global development trends and the tasks set in the annual presidential address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation make clear the necessity for signifi cant socio-political transformations. These changes require the development of modern criteria for new politicians and socio-political leaders and managers as well as the defi nition of approaches to their identifi cation and preparation. The results of a single voting day — September 9, 2018 — have rendered this task immediate. The political system has begun a transformation and is putting forward new demands for political governance. This article presents an analysis of the following: the socio-political prerequisites for the formation of new requirements for political leadership; the theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of political leadership during sociopolitical transformations and to forecasting in the fi eld of political leadership; and the method of determining the requirements for political leadership (characteristics of politicians) based on the principle of mutual infl uence of political leaders and the political environment. The author concludes by presenting the results of expert studies conducted in September, 2018 of the requirements made of politicians and the political environment.

The purpose of this article is to clarify the term “historical myth” and to defi ne its relation to the notion of “political myth.” The goals of the research are to determine the content of the concept “historical myth,” to understand the essence of the concept “political myth” and to compare the meanings of the two terms. The author uses traditional and typological analysis, and also applies the method of expert interview. The article argues the position that the historical myth is a particular form of the myth of the political. Accordingly, the historical myth initially represents an artifi cially constructed form of perception of the world, based on an appeal to the sphere of emotions and aimed at manipulating the public consciousness. At the same time, it has the property of acquiring autonomy over time, infl uencing its own creators. The specifi c factor diff erentiating the historical myth is that it is constructed with the help of historical facts and changes the perception of reality by changing the model of perception of events of the past.

This article off ers a review of the reports presented at the round table “Political Globalistics: Research Directions in a Context of Global Uncertainty” convened by Lomonosov Moscow State University’s Political Science Department as part of the III Congress of the Russian Society of Political Scientists (Moscow, September 10–12, 2018). Among a number of key issues considered by the participants, special attention was paid to current problems of the development of globalistics as an interdisciplinary fi eld of scholarship; the transformation of the subject area of globalistics; and new challenges facing the academic community and the role of interdisciplinary knowledge in their resolution.

This article is devoted to the substantiation of the concept of the political and philosophical phenomenon of scientifi c-technical romanticism. This phenomenon arose during the Enlightenment at the junction of political philosophy and culture, was developed in the worldview of 19th century thinkers and reached its apogee in the 20th century, primarily in the Soviet Union during the era of breakthroughs in space science and atomic energy. Scientifi c-technical romanticism is considered in the article as a formed unity of three component elements: a) anthropological optimism; b) socio-political scientism; and c) humanistic technocratism. The authors lay out the essence of this phenomenon, in its development aspiring to become the highest demiurge capable of radically changing the world. The immanence of the expression of political-philosophical refl ection in both rational and artistic-fi gurative forms allows us to attribute the phenomenon of scientifi c-technical romanticism, the article maintains, to the sphere of political and philosophical research and consider it in this context outside the subject fi elds of literary criticism, cultural studies and philosophy of culture.